Monday 26 January 2015

The many homes of Sasikala Natarajan



The many homes of Sasikala Natarajan

Sasikala Natarajan's HomesSasikala Natarajan - video parlour operator turned confidante turned 'sister in spirit' turned albatross around the political neck of former Tamil Nadu chief minister Jayalalitha Jayaram - is one person who has, single-handedly, redefined the parameters of the phrase 'house hunting'.
Madras residents have, for years now, found in her an inexhaustible subject for gossip and speculation - centering around her jewels, her bungalows, her dictatorial airs... and Sasikala basked in all the attention, queening it over Madras as one to the manner born.
Till, that is, the Dravida Munnetra Kazagham under K Karunanidhi swept Jayalalitha's AIADMK aside in the assembly election earlier this year, and assumed power.
Sasikala Natarajan's HomesJayalalitha's defeat itself owed much to the ill will Sasikala had created in the minds of the people of the state, especially after the garishly ostentatious wedding of her nephew, whom Jayalalitha first adopted as her son and then got married off to the grand-daughter of Tamil thespian Sivaji Ganesan.
During the run-up to the election, Jayalalitha had drawn huge crowds. But when she, and all her party members, lost miserably at the hustings, analysts probed for the reasons why these crowds had not translated into votes. "We came to see Sasikala. We have only seen her pictures during the famous wedding. We want to see her in person, and we want to know whether she wears all those jewels every day," the people in the villages and small towns told inquiring reporters.
Sasikala obliged, accompanying Jayalalitha all over the state, dressed in incandescent finery. The villagers came, they gawked, and went home happy. And when time came to vote, they showed what they thought of the whole vulgar display by giving a resounding thumbs down to Jayalalitha and everyone associated with her.
For Sasikala, it has been a long journey from the small-time video shop she once ran to becoming the de facto ruler of 36, Poes Garden - home of Jayalalitha herself.
Sasikala Natarajan's HomesSasikala's husband, Natarajan, was during the late seventies one of the public relations officers of the M G Ramachandran government, and it was thus that he chanced to meet, and make friends with IAS officer V Chandralekha.
Chandralekha was close to MGR, the then chief minister, and at his behest, took Jayalalitha under her wing when the latter was made propaganda secretary of the AIADMK.
Chandralekha was also responsible for introducing Sasikala to Jayalalitha. And for a long while, the relationship between the two was that of a bored lady and her favourite supplier of video cassettes.
Then came MGR's death, Jayalalitha's public humiliation at the funeral of her mentor, her subsequent foray into electoral politics and, in time, a massive triumph which brought her into power as Chief Minister in 1991.
Sasikala Natarajan's HomesAt this point, Sasikala moved into the Poes Garden residence.
It was a year or so later that Sasikala graduated from her initial penchant for walking into jewellery and sari shops and buying up half the merchandise, and moved on to acquiring real estate on an unprecedented scale.
And so acquisitive was Sasikala, so uncaring of the identities of the original owners of the homes she determined to acquire, that people told one another wisely that when constructing a new home anywhere in Madras, it was wise policy to make the place look as unattractive as possible. For Sasikala had, with a combination of strong-arm methods and under cover of Jayalalitha's patronage, acquired for peanuts the homes of such personalities as reputed director Bharati Raja, the multi-million bungalow of the Pantulu family of Amrutanjan fame, and so on.
Sasikala Natarajan's HomesThough such acquisitions were common knowledge, none dared discuss, leave alone protest, them openly - for to do so was to invite the wrath of the AIADMK goon squad.
When Sasikala turned entrepreneurial and launched JJ TV, the same goon squad threatened cable operators across the state with dire consequences if the channel was not aired.
Today, it is hard to imagine that such activities went on, unchecked and unchallenged. At the very least, did not Sasikala and Jayalalitha know that a day of reckoning would come, is a question commonly asked by those who, living outside the state, remained unaware of the goings on there.
The answer to this is simple - Jayalalitha had isolated herself from the media, from the people, from all but a select handful of sycophants who, for their part, fed her belief that she would never taste electoral defeat in the state. Believing that her chief ministership was a permanency, she and her bosom friend behaved just as they pleased...
Sasikala Natarajan's HomesIt is only now, with the DMK government vigorously pursuing the misdeeds of the duo, that the scale and scope of their acquisitiveness is emerging. Already, Vigilance Directorate sources indicate that they have unearthed benami properties acquired by Sasikala and Jayalalitha worth Rs 4 billion to Rs 5 billion - and this, they add, is only the tip of a very large iceberg.
In order to get some idea of a real-estate purchasing spree that even Ripley would have had a hard time believing, we decided to go on a tour of Sasikala's properties - at least, those of them that have been unearthed thus far.
Sasikala and her nephew were known to be in the habit of driving along the coastal road from Madras to Mahabalipuram - not, as others do, to enjoy the scenic beauty, but to scout for new properties to acquire. Once identified, the middlemen and their musclemen were pointed in the right direction - and lo, pretty soon the Sasikala trademarks would appear on the latest acquisition. Huge black wrought iron gates with a golden orb in the centre, white colour walls with red tiled roofs... all copied from - where else? - the colour scheme of Vedanilayam, Jayalalitha's own Poes Garden residence.
Sasikala Natarajan's HomesNot only did Sasikala not bother to disguise her purchases, she even went out of her way to emblazon ownership - and in the process, to flaunt her proximity to the chief minister.
On our trip, we saw the exquisite Payyanoor Bungalow - at one time the property of music composer and Ilayaraja's brother, Gangai Amaran. One more building that Sasikala saw, and acquired.
A board outside the house indicated that plants could be purchased there. After some resistance, the security personnel let us in - and allowed us to take our fill of gazing at the interior of the superbly constructed, tastefully appointed house. Interesting sidelight - we counted seven airconditioners functioning in the various rooms, and five more lying around in their packing cases...
We moved on, to another palatial residence - Sirudavur Bungalow, still in the process of completion. A magnificent structure, some 50 km from the heart of Madras, set in a 200-acre plot of land and approached via a long, superbly lit, winding driveway half a kilometre long. Bordering the driveway is an an artificial stream which supplies water to the six fish ponds inside the house. The lights, we learnt, were powered by a separate generator installed exclusively for the house. The sprawling structure bosts four entrances with individual porticos each with ornate red granite pillars, around 45 rooms, four kitchens, walls and floors of white marble...
Sasikala Natarajan's HomesEverywhere, there are signs of the construction work having been abruptly halted, with building materials lying around any old how - signalling, perhaps, the end of the Jayalalitha-Sasikala regime and the beginning of a more sane era.
Inside, two winding staircases take us to the first floor, dominated by two identical bedrooms each over 1500 square feet in area. Two fibreglass Jacuzzis, obviously meant for the two bedrooms, lay around gathering dust. Interestingly, indications were that the place has become some sort of tourist site - as witness the scribbled graffitti, none of them complimentary to Sasikala and Jayalalitha, on the walls.
Interestingly, the premises also boasted, besides an Olympic sized swimming pool, provision for a private helipad.
Sasikala Natarajan's HomesOn our way out, we spoke to security guard Marimuthu, who rather shamefacedly admitted that he had voted for the AIADMK. "I never believed the stories that I had heard till then. But after coming here and seeing everything with my own eyes, I cannot ever think of voting for them again. How can people be so greedy?," he wonders.
Marimuthu has seen Sasikala quite often, but mostly from far. "She used to come regularly, in big cars, to see the progress of the construction. See, I am just an ordinary worker so I stand far away and look at her. In those days, nobody dared bring their cattle onto these grounds - all I had to do was remind them who the place belonged to, and they ran away, scared. These days, they wander about at will and if I try to chase them out, they scoff at me, and even threaten to beat me up. Times have changed!"
Onward to Sea Shell Avenue, on the same road. Again, the huge black gates with the golden orb set in the centre. A formal notice proclaims "Work Stop!" Our photographer, who scaled the walls to click his pictures, reported yet another magnificent, and magnificently ostentatious, bungalow within.
Sasikala NatarajanFathima, a maid who chanced to be passing by, stopped to tell us, wide-eyed with excitement, of bags of money having been discovered within the premises. Baseless gossip, vigilance officials later confirmed, but indicative of the local perception of Sasikala's activities. "I don't know how a person can live in so many houses," she went on. "Come with me, I will show you so many of their houses on the main road. I wish they gave us a part of what they have! I have got only one room, which leaks when it rains. Look at the way we live, and the way our leaders live!"
Neelankarai Bungalow, a little further on, lacks the classic Sasikala trademarks - probably because it had been acquired by her from one Rangarajan, an Indian businessman in Sri Lanka, just shortly before the AIADMK went down to electoral defeat. Interestingly, Rangarajan was coerced into selling away the house for a paltry Rs 500,000, when by even the most generous evaluation, it was worth a few million rupees.
Sunrise Avenue, on the Mahabalipuram road, does not match the others in magnificence. But here again, the ostentatious nature of Sasikala acquisitions was apparent in an unusually shaped swimming pool, in a circular structure reminiscent of the proscenium provided in Keralite temple for the arts, and so on.
Sasikala NatarajanDarul Famima property, a little further on, is believed to have been the base camp for Sasikala's alleged goon squad. Now, of course, it stands silent and empty, with just a watchman and his two kids on the premises. One of the kids said he knew who Sasikala and Jayalalitha are, he has seen them both at close quarters. "Yes, they used to come here," he said, disinterested.
So many properties, sublime in their magnificence. And all, ironically, owned by an erstwhile video parlour operator who now languishes in a small jail cell in Madras - a cell sans swimming pools and Jacuzzis, surplus air conditioners and white marble flooring...
Photographs: Sanjay Ghosh
http://www.rediff.com/news/1996/0712shob.htm

Saturday 10 January 2015

Sirisena, who survived 5 LTTE attacks

His name is probably the grandest thing about the man who is known for his simplicity. Gamaralalage Maithripala Yapa Sirisena, who was sworn in as Sri Lanka’s seventh president Friday evening, hails from a middle-class, agricultural family from Polunnaruwa, an ancient royal capital east of Colombo famous for its magnificent Buddhist stupas and temples.

The 63-year-old low-profile minister defected from the ruling party in 2013 after emerging as a surprise consensus candidate for a disparate opposition, turning the tables on the longest-serving head of state in South Asia, Mahinda Rajapaksa, who expected to breeze through after calling an early election.

Sri Lanka's president Mithripala Sirisena waves at media as he leaves opposition party office in Colombo. (Reuters)

Sirisena was born in 1951 and received his early education from the Royal College in his native district. He then studied at a school of agriculture for three years and graduated in 1980 in political science from a Russian university.

Sources say the one-time ally of the outgoing president may have first developed a passion for Marxism during his higher education, though he joined the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP)'s youth wing in 1967 as a teenager and quickly rose to become a politburo member in 1981.

Sirisena first entered mainstream politics in 1989 representing Polunnaruwa and held several portfolios from 1994. He has been the general secretary of the SLFP and has headed the ministries of irrigation and development.

He was the health minister in the Rajapaksa government till November 2013 when he unexpectedly switched sides a day after sharing a traditional Lankan meal of hoppers (rice pancakes) and curry with the president.

Priyanath Peiris, a businessman who has known Sirisena for several years, told the Hindustan Times that as health minister the new president was passionate about the subject and did all he could to introduce reforms in the drugs sector, resisting attempts by pharmaceutical companies to force decisions favourable to them.

“He is one of that rare breed of politicians who has an extremely clean reputation; nobody can point fingers at him,” said Peiris.
The son of a World War II veteran, Sirisena said he was a soft target for the separatist Tamil Tiger (LTTE) rebels with the militants trying to assassinate him on at least five occasions.

Sirisena escaped unhurt in 2008 when a convoy he was part of was attacked by an LTTE suicide bomber at Piriwena Junction in Colombo. One person was killed and seven others injured in the attack.

http://www.hindustantimes.com/world-news/sirisena-survived-5-ltte-attacks-will-lead-sri-lanka-to-change/article1-1305088.aspx?hts0021

Why Sri Lanka ousted Mahinda Rajapaksa


Thursday's presidential election in Sri Lanka was arguably one of the most important in the country's history. And its outcome on Friday determined that the creeping authoritarianism of Mahinda Rajapaksa and his family will not get institutionalised and further entrenched but called for opening up of the democratic political space.


The results show that Sri Lanka would not like to continue on its path of a centralised rule, belligerent majoritarian nationalism and monoculturalism but accept a degree of multiculturalism, recognition of minorities and allow entities other than Colombo's presidential palace to have a say in state affairs.

Sri Lankans did not want their country to continue being an international outlier, drawing flak from the West and human rights community for not addressing the issue of justice or rights and at least attempt to re-engage with universal democratic values.

The people have spoken - and what a verdict they have thrown up. After almost a decade of absolute rule, with a firm militarist orientation, Rajapaksa has been ousted.

He has now conceded defeat and left his palace. The new victor is the common Opposition candidate and a former health minister in Rajapaksa's government, Mithripala Sirisena.

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Supporters hold up images of Mithripala Sirisena as they celebrate in the streets of Colombo after President Mahinda Rajapaksa conceded defeat in the country's presidential elections on Friday. (AFP Photo)

How did Rajpaksa lose - a scenario few could have imagined till a few months ago? And what does it mean for the Sri Lankan polity as well as the subcontinent, especially India?

After a three-decade bloody civilian war, Sri Lanka yearned for peace and order when Rajapaksa arrived on the national centre-stage in the middle of the last decade. Peace talks had collapsed, military stalemate ensued, suicide bombings continued and the north and the east functioned almost independent of Colombo.
A unique set of circumstances helped Rajpaksa.

Post 9/11, there was no sympathy for the murderous LTTE internationally; the outfit was also wrecked by factionalism with key leaders turning into informers for Colombo; public support for the Tigers had dipped even in its stronghold areas and there was fatigue; the Sri Lankan military was well funded, well equipped and given a blank cheque to conduct operations and India shared critical intelligence. Rajapaksa won the war in 2009, though only after massive human rights violations - now documented well internationally.

Riding on this victory, Rajapaksa won the overwhelming support of the Sinhalese constituency in the next elections. The opposition was in disarray, with no political platform since they had chosen his former military chief as the common candidate. The Tamil and Muslim minorities were politically marginalised. The state remained firmly loyal to Rajapaksa and the results were a foregone conclusion.

But this is where Rajapaksa lost the plot. Instead of using his political strength to deepen Sri Lankan democracy and heal the wounds of the war, he decided to cater to his extremist Sinhalese base. Going against repeated advice by well wishers - including the Indian establishment - he refused to devolve power to Tamils. He treated the state as a family fiefdom, with all key positions handled by his brothers, alienating even party veterans.

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Supporters of President Mahinda Rajapaksa celebrate following the close of polls in Colombo on Thursday, January 8, 2015. (AFP Photo)

Rajapaksa turned on any dissent by even Sinhalese media and civil society activists. He confronted the world on human rights violations - backed by China. It was the victor's arrogance but beneath what seemed like a complete grip on power, disenchantment was growing.

The Tamil minority remained upset - many innocents had been killed in the war and there was no justice; they were still treated as second class citizens. The last few years saw the assertion of Buddhist chauvinist groups, who now turned to attack Muslim minorities. What also happened was that many Sinhalese in the south now began to have aspirations besides peace and order. Livelihood concerns became critical; rural Sri Lanka was unhappy. And given its strong democratic tradition, voters did not like the ruling family's authoritarianism. It was time for change.

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The fact that Rajapaksa has graciously conceded defeat is credit to him and Sri Lankan democracy. But the transition will be difficult. (AFP Photo)

Sirisena became the catalyst when he defected from the Rajapaksa government a few months ago. He was then appointed the common opposition candidate, backed by former president Chandrika Kumaratunga and former prime minister Ranil Wickremasinghe (who will once again take over as PM). Sirisena's Sinhalese credentials and anti-LTTE stance could not be doubted - he had after all been a part of the regime. So it was difficult for the family to portray him as anti-national. He was also careful to reiterate his commitment to security presence in north; Sirisena has also said the Rajapaksas will not have to face international trial.

But his promise to abolish executive presidency won him the support of the more liberal elements of Sinhala society. Tamil and Muslim outfits recognised that even though Sirisena had not firmly committed to their rights, their primary contradiction was with Rajapaksa for now. Removing him would open the democratic space. And so it was that a wide coalition came around to supporting the opposition candidate. Friday's verdict is a culmination of that.

It is a moment of jubilation for all democrats - Sri Lanka has just shown the power of elections to effect regime change peacefully; it has shown that politics is not static, that voters cannot be taken for granted; that divisive politics has its limitations; that one family cannot become a substitute for institutions; and that a united opposition fighting a free and fair election can turn the tables in a complex fragmented polity. This will open up the polity and free space for democratic activism.

The fact that Rajapaksa has graciously conceded defeat is credit to him and Sri Lankan democracy. But the transition will be difficult. Sirisena and Wickremasinghe will have to cobble together a government. They will have to meet their promise of abolishing the executive presidency. In the medium term, they will have to reconcile conflicting demands of their Sinhala base and Tamil and Muslim aspirations.

They will be constantly looking over their shoulder as Rajapaksa will call any concession as sell out to Tamil separatism. Rajapaksa got over 45% vote and will remain a strong force. Parliamentary arithmetic is also in his favour till the next parliamentary polls. But what is politics if not the art of managing contradictions - and Sirisena will be tested on that.

Many people will be smiling in Delhi today. India has long told Rajapaksa to use his stature to address Tamil aspirations within a united Sri Lanka. Sources say this was a message that Prime Minister Narendra Modi conveyed when Rajapaksa attended his swearing-in ceremony.

He was encouraged to do this before the elections. Rajapaksa has been obstinate. And as a political and strategic buffer, he has played up the China card to force Delhi to dilute its pressure. India will have no blank cheque in Sri Lanka - but the structural change opens up possibilities. India now has friendly governments in all of South Asia's smaller countries (leaving aside Pakistan which is a different equation). This will help Modi'a neighbourhood policy too.

But that comes later. For now, celebrate the return of a vibrant democracy to an intimate neighbour.

Thursday 1 January 2015

Bangalore Metro misses September 2015 deadline

Bangalore Metro

Metro misses September 2015 deadline, delay costs BMRC

Rs 2.3 crore a day



Metro misses September 2015 deadline, delay costs BMRC Rs 2.3 crore a day
BENGALURU: The confidence that chief minister Siddaramaiah displayed last year while announcing that Namma Metro would be up and running on all its Phase I corridors by September 2015 was, after all, gas. Going by the progress of work, there is no sign Bengaluru's ambitious mass rapid transit system will be completely operational any time this year. 

Failure to adhere to the CM's promise is not just about convenient travel eluding Bengalureans, but also about crores of rupees of taxpayers' money going down the drain due to cost escalation. The approved cost estimate of the 42-km network was Rs 11,609 crore, and the target for getting the entire phase operational was December 2012. But project cost estimates, as in May 2014 and for September 2015 completion, stand at Rs 13,845 crore, up Rs 2,236 crore. This means each day's delay has cost Rs 2.3 crore. 

The blame for the delay lies as much with the state government as with Bangalore Metro Rail Corporation Ltd (BMRCL). The state government is accused of not cracking the whip on BMRC for failing to meet deadlines. Sources privy to the progress of work told TOI the BMRC management has not expedited the project, and meeting public expectations is the least of its priorities. 

"There is no effort from the government to crack the whip on BMRC, whose bosses haven't made any extra efforts to chase contractors and get work done. For the contractors, Metro work is a learning process. They make mistakes and redo the work. Estimates have fallen short on the ground and added to the cost. Flawed contracts with incomplete work details have pushed up bills," the sources explained.

The delay has meant that costs have shot up under all heads. When the project was conceived, the land cost was estimated around Rs 500 crore, but now stands at Rs 2,100 crore. The cost of raw material has also shot up. Steel, which cost BMRC Rs 40,000 a tonne till last year, is now Rs 55,000 a tonne. Similarly, copper, purchased by the corporation at Rs 1 lakh per tonne, now costs Rs 3-4 lakh per tonne. 

Ramalinga Reddy, minister-in-charge, Bengaluru said, "By 2015-end, BMRC will definitely finish Phase I of the project. In the past two months, the chief minister has made several inspections and held talks for expediting work. BMRC has promised that by March 2015, the Mysore Road end will be connected, and by the year-end, the entire Phase I will be up and running." We will keep the date (September 2015). Pradeep Singh Kharola, MD, BMRC had said, "There are hurdles in the work that I will have to explain in detail to make one understand why work seems to have slowed down." 

Missed deadlines: 

December 2012 

December 2013 

March 2015 

September 2015 

Times View 

Bengaluru's Phase I of Namma Metro can't keep mising its deadline 

Bengaluru needs Phase I of Namma Metro in its entirety and fast. When the BMRC failed to keep its deadline to launch the first stretch in March/April 2011, TOI launched a 'We Need A Date' campaign in July. Three months later, Namma Metro began commercial operations on the MG Road-Byappanahalli route, providing the city a taste of what a rapid mass transit system is capable of. 

Over three years down the line, the Metro is operational only on one more stretch: Sampige Road to Peenya. The two stretches on which the Metro operates span only about 16km of the 42.3km that Phase I is slated to cater to. On an average, the two stretches ferry 50,000 people daily against the targeted 10 lakh passengers. 

Phase I has already eluded two deadlines — December 2012 and December 2013 — and looks certain to miss the timelines of March and September 2015. 

Given Bengaluru's requirement of a full-fledged rapid mass transit system, TOI resumes its 'We Need a Date' campaign to mobilize public opinion, and to pressure authorities to get the train running in all the four directions of the city at the earliest. In the coming days, we shall carry a series of reports on the various factors delaying Namma Metro and suggest ways to speed up the project.


Pigeons droppings, a costly bomb on Namma Metro

Keeping the stations clean in the first year cost Namma Metro Rs 8.89 lakh a month. It shot up by nearly Rs 2.5 lakh to over Rs 10 lakh a month the next two years.




BENGALURU: With concrete jungle robbing them of their habitat, pigeons seem to be making metro stations their home. And this is proving costly for Namma Metro as support staff has to hit the ground almost every hour to clear bird poop from platforms and other areas.

As the winged visitors ensconce themselves in the supporting structures of the stations, bird droppings have contributed to an increase in the operating expenses of Bangalore Metro Rail Corporation Limited (BMRCL).

An RTI query filed by STOI revealed a near 30% increase in the annual housekeeping charges of Namma Metro's stations in its second and third years of operation. In a reply to the RTI query on whether bird droppings posed problems to maintenance of its stations, BMRCL said, "Yes, it is posing problems."

"High-level cleaning (is) being done for maintaining cleanliness," it added.

House-keeping charges for Reach 1 (Baiyapanahalli-MG Road) was Rs 106.71 lakh in the first year of its operation (Oct 2011 - Sept 2012), which rose to Rs130.7 lakh the next year (October 2012 - September 2013) and Rs 128.16 lakh (October 2013 - September 2014).

In other words, keeping the stations clean in the first year cost Namma Metro Rs 8.89 lakh a month. It shot up by nearly Rs 2.5 lakh to over Rs 10 lakh a month the next two years.

According to work staff, they used to clean the platforms once every two hours; of late they have been constrained to wield their mop-sticks on an hourly basis.

M B Krishna, a veteran ornithologist, says concrete structures such as Namma Metro's stations aren't favourable nesting spots to bird associated with the city. "What is the point if hardly a bird species or two reside here?" he says when asked whether such structures could help support their eco-system.